CSS EXAMINATION-2021 - GENDER STUDIES

              FEDERAL PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION

COMPETITIVE EXAMINATION-2021

                                        GENDER STUDIES

 

 

TIME ALLOWED: THREE HOURS PART-I(MCQS): MAXIMUM 30 MINUTES

PART-I (MCQS)        MAXIMUM MARKS = 20 PART-II                           MAXIMUM MARKS = 80

NOTE: (i) Part-II is to be attempted on the separate Answer Book. (ii)          Attempt ONLY FOUR questions from PART-II. ALL questions carry EQUAL marks. (iii)       All the parts (if any) of each Question must be attempted at one place instead of at different     places. (iv)        Write Q. No. in the Answer Book in accordance with Q. No. in the Q.Paper. (v)         No Page/Space be left blank between the answers. All the blank pages of Answer Book must be crossed. (vi)          Extra attempt of any question or any part of the question will not be considered.

 

PART-I1

Q. No. 2.   Discuss in detail what the autonomy and integration debate in gender studies have important

contributions to the development of the field of knowledge. (20)

A. The autonomy and integration debate in gender studies is a debate on whether gender studies should be an independent and separate field of study, or whether it should be integrated and incorporated into other disciplines and subjects. The debate has been ongoing since the 1980s and has implications for the development of the field of knowledge.

Some of the arguments for the autonomy of gender studies are:

• Autonomy allows gender studies to maintain its critical and feminist perspective, and to challenge and transform the dominant and patriarchal paradigms and structures of knowledge production.
• Autonomy enables gender studies to generate new and innovative knowledge, through the interaction and collaboration of scholars who share a common vision and mission.
• Autonomy protects gender studies from the pressures and constraints of mainstream academia, which may marginalize, dilute, or co-opt its agenda and achievements.

Some of the arguments for the integration of gender studies are:

• Integration allows gender studies to reach and influence a wider and more diverse audience, and to disseminate and apply its knowledge to various fields and sectors of society.
• Integration enables gender studies to benefit from the resources and opportunities of other disciplines and subjects and to enrich and enhance its methods and theories.
• Integration fosters gender studies to engage and cooperate with other actors and stakeholders, and to create dialogue and synergy for social change and justice.

Summary:

• The autonomy and integration debate in gender studies is a debate on whether gender studies should be an independent and separate field of study, or whether it should be integrated and incorporated into other disciplines and subjects.
• The debate has pros and cons for both sides and has implications for the development of the field of knowledge.
• The debate reflects the diversity and dynamism of gender studies and the challenges and opportunities it faces in the academic and social context.

 Q. No. 3. Masculinity and femininity have the deeply engraved realities since the distant past in human history. Discuss various theoretical debates on the construction of masculinity and femininity to make it explicit that the formation of both is either natural or social reality. Support your arguments with real-life examples. (20)

A. Masculinity and femininity are the concepts and practices that define and differentiate men and women in a given society. There are various theoretical debates on whether masculinity and femininity are natural or social realities, that is, whether they are determined by biological factors or by cultural factors. Here are some of the main perspectives on this debate:

• Essentialism: This perspective argues that masculinity and femininity are natural realities, that is, they are based on the innate and immutable characteristics of men and women, such as their hormones, genes, and brain structures. Essentialism claims that there are universal and fixed traits that distinguish men and women, such as aggression, rationality, and competitiveness for men, and nurturance, emotionality, and cooperation for women. Essentialism supports the idea that gender roles and relations are natural and inevitable and that any deviation from them is abnormal or unnatural. An example of essentialism is the evolutionary psychology approach, which explains gender differences in terms of the adaptation and survival of the human species¹.
• Social constructionism: This perspective argues that masculinity and femininity are social realities, that is, they are based on the historical and cultural contexts and processes that shape and change the meanings and practices of gender. Social constructionism claims that there are no inherent or fixed traits that define men and women, but rather that gender is a dynamic and fluid phenomenon that is influenced by various factors, such as class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, and sexuality. Social constructionism supports the idea that gender roles and relations are socially constructed and contested and that any variation from them is possible and legitimate. An example of social constructionism is the feminist approach, which challenges and transforms the patriarchal and sexist norms and values that subordinate and oppress women².
• Interactionism: This perspective argues that masculinity and femininity are both natural and social realities, that is, they are based on the interplay of biological and cultural factors that influence and shape the individual and collective experiences and expressions of gender. Interactionism claims that there are some biological and psychological differences between men and women, but that these differences are not fixed or deterministic, but rather that they are modified and mediated by the social and situational contexts and interactions. Interactionism supports the idea that gender roles and relations are not static or homogeneous, but rather that they are flexible and diverse, and that they depend on the agency and negotiation of the actors involved. An example of interactionism is the symbolic interactionism approach, which analyzes how gender identities and performances are created and maintained through the use of symbols, language, and communication³.

Summary:

• Masculinity and femininity are the concepts and practices that define and differentiate men and women in a given society.
• There are various theoretical debates on whether masculinity and femininity are natural or social realities, that is, whether they are determined by biological factors or by cultural factors.
• Some of the main perspectives on this debate are essentialism, social constructionism, and interactionism, which have different assumptions and implications for the understanding and explanation of gender differences and similarities.

 Q. No. 4. Marxist feminism is a philosophical variant of feminism that incorporates and extends Marxist theory and analyzes the ways in which women are exploited through capitalism and the individual ownership of private property. Discuss the development of Marxist/Socialist feminism and the philosophical stance they hold to discuss gender issues and exploitation.(20)

A. Marxist feminism is a branch of feminist theory that applies the Marxist critique of capitalism to the analysis of gender oppression and exploitation. Marxist feminism argues that the main cause of women’s subordination and suffering is the capitalist system, which exploits women’s labor, both paid and unpaid, and reproduces patriarchal and sexist ideologies and practices. Marxist feminism also proposes that the liberation of women can only be achieved by overthrowing the capitalist system and creating a socialist society, where women and men are equal in all aspects of life.

The development of Marxist/Socialist feminism can be traced back to the 19th and early 20th centuries, when some of the early socialist and communist thinkers and activists, such as Friedrich Engels, Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg, and Alexandra Kollontai, addressed the question of women’s oppression and emancipation to the class struggle and the socialist revolution. They argued that women’s oppression was not a natural or eternal condition, but a historical and social phenomenon, that was linked to the emergence and development of private property, class society, and capitalism. They also argued that women’s emancipation was not a separate or secondary issue, but an integral and essential part of the socialist movement and the proletarian revolution. They advocated for the abolition of the patriarchal family, the socialization of domestic labor, the expansion of women’s rights and opportunities, and the participation of women in the political and economic spheres.

However, Marxist/Socialist feminism did not become a distinct and influential branch of feminist theory until the 1960s and 1970s, when a new wave of feminist movements and scholars emerged, inspired and influenced by the civil rights, anti-war, and anti-colonial struggles, as well as by the revival and revision of Marxist theory and practice. These feminist movements and scholars criticized mainstream liberal feminism, which they considered to be reformist, individualist, and bourgeois, and orthodox Marxism, which they considered to be economistic, deterministic, and androcentric. They developed a more complex and nuanced analysis of the interrelation and intersection of gender, class, race, and other forms of oppression and domination, and the dialectical and historical nature of women’s oppression and resistance. They also explored a variety of topics and issues, such as the sexual division of labor, the value of domestic labor, the reproduction of labor power, the sexual politics of work, the state, the family, and the culture, the global and racial dimensions of women’s exploitation, and the strategies and forms of women’s liberation and solidarity.

Some of the prominent and influential Marxist/Socialist feminist thinkers and activists of this period include Simone de Beauvoir, Juliet Mitchell, Sheila Rowbotham, Mariarosa Dalla Costa, Selma James, Heidi Hartmann, Zillah Eisenstein, Angela Davis, Bell Hooks, and Nancy Fraser. They contributed to the development and diversification of Marxist/Socialist feminism, as well as to the dialogue and debate with other branches and currents of feminist theory, such as radical feminism, psychoanalytic feminism, postmodern feminism, and ecofeminism.

Summary:

• Marxist feminism is a branch of feminist theory that applies the Marxist critique of capitalism to the analysis of gender oppression and exploitation.
• Marxist feminism argues that the main cause of women’s subordination and suffering is the capitalist system, which exploits women’s labor, both paid and unpaid, and reproduces patriarchal and sexist ideologies and practices.
• Marxist feminism also proposes that the liberation of women can only be achieved by overthrowing the capitalist system and creating a socialist society, where women and men are equal in all aspects of life.
• The development of Marxist/Socialist feminism can be traced back to the 19th and early 20th centuries when some of the early socialist and communist thinkers and activists addressed the question of women’s oppression and emancipation in relation to the class struggle and the socialist revolution.
• The development of Marxist/Socialist feminism also continued in the 1960s and 1970s, when a new wave of feminist movements and scholars emerged, inspired and influenced by the civil rights, anti-war, and anti-colonial struggles, as well as by the revival and revision of Marxist theory and practice.
• The development of Marxist/Socialist feminism also involved a more complex and nuanced analysis of the interrelation and intersection of gender, class, race, and other forms of oppression and domination, and the dialectical and historical nature of women’s oppression and resistance.
• The development of Marxist/Socialist feminism also involved a variety of topics and issues, such as the sexual division of labor, the value of domestic labor, the reproduction of labor power, the sexual politics of work, the state, the family, and the culture, the global and racial dimensions of women’s exploitation, and the strategies and forms of women’s liberation and solidarity.

 Q. No. 5. Psychoanalytic feminism is a theory of oppression, which asserts that men have an inherent psychological need to subjugate women. As elaborated, give a detailed analysis of the gender oppression and women’s subordination promulgated by Psychoanalytic Feminism. (20)

A. Psychoanalytic feminism is a branch of feminist theory that applies the insights and methods of psychoanalysis to the analysis of gender oppression and women’s subordination. Psychoanalytic feminism argues that men have an inherent psychological need to subjugate women, because of their unresolved childhood conflicts and unconscious desires, which are shaped by the patriarchal and sexist culture and society. Psychoanalytic feminism also explores the ways that women internalize and resist their oppression, and the possibilities of their liberation and empowerment.

According to psychoanalytic feminism, men’s need to subjugate women stems from their experience of the Oedipus complex, which is a stage of psychosexual development in which the male child develops a sexual attraction to his mother and a rivalry with his father. The male child fears that his father will castrate him as a punishment for his incestuous desire, and thus represses his feelings and identifies with his father. However, this identification is never complete or secure, and the male child remains haunted by the threat of castration and the loss of his mother. To cope with this anxiety, the male child projects his fear and hatred onto women, whom he perceives as castrated and inferior, and seeks to dominate and control them, either through violence or through love. The male child also develops a narcissistic and phallocentric ego, which values his own masculinity and power over everything else, and denies his dependence and vulnerability.

According to psychoanalytic feminism, women’s subordination to men stems from their experience of the Electra complex, which is a stage of psychosexual development in which the female child develops a sexual attraction to her father and a rivalry with her mother. The female child realizes that she lacks a penis, and thus feels inferior and envious of her father. She also blames her mother for her castration and resents her for her lack of power and authority. The female child desires to have a penis, either literally or symbolically, and thus represses her feelings and identifies with her father. However, this identification is also never complete or secure, and the female child remains dissatisfied and frustrated by her lack of a penis and her dependence on men. To cope with this discontent, the female child internalizes the patriarchal and sexist norms and values, which define her as passive, submissive, and nurturing, and seeks to please and serve men, either through motherhood or through sexuality. The female child also develops a masochistic and dependent ego, which devalues her own femininity and autonomy and accepts her oppression and exploitation.

Psychoanalytic feminism also examines the ways that women resist and challenge their oppression and the possibilities of their liberation and empowerment. Some of the strategies and solutions proposed by psychoanalytic feminists are:

• Revising and reinterpreting the psychoanalytic theory and practice, to make it more inclusive, diverse, and feminist, and to expose and critique the patriarchal and sexist biases and assumptions of classical psychoanalysis.
• Exploring and affirming female sexuality and subjectivity, reclaiming and celebrating the female body, desire, and pleasure, and resisting and subverting the male domination and objectification of women.
• Developing and fostering female solidarity and agency, creating and supporting female networks, communities, and movements, and empowering and mobilizing women to act and speak for themselves and for others.
• Transforming and transcending the gender roles and relations, to challenge and change the patriarchal and sexist culture and society, and creating a more egalitarian and democratic world, where women and men are equal and free.

Summary:

• Psychoanalytic feminism is a branch of feminist theory that applies the insights and methods of psychoanalysis to the analysis of gender oppression and women’s subordination.
• Psychoanalytic feminism argues that men have an inherent psychological need to subjugate women, because of their unresolved childhood conflicts and unconscious desires, which are shaped by the patriarchal and sexist culture and society.
• Psychoanalytic feminism also explores the ways that women internalize and resist their oppression, and the possibilities of their liberation and empowerment.
• Psychoanalytic feminism proposes some strategies and solutions, such as revising and reinterpreting the psychoanalytic theory and practice, exploring and affirming female sexuality and subjectivity, developing and fostering female solidarity and agency, and transforming and transcending gender roles and relations.

 Q. No. 6. Modernization Theory blames internal cultural factors for women’s subordination in the developing world. Discuss and elaborate on the given statement with respect to Modernization Perspectives. (20)

A. Modernization Theory is a perspective that explains the process of social and economic development in terms of the transition from traditional to modern societies. Modernization Theory assumes that modern societies are more advanced, rational, and progressive than traditional societies and that the latter should follow the path of the former to achieve development. Modernization Theory also assumes that there is a universal and linear model of development, based on the Western experience, that can be applied to all societies¹.

Modernization Theory blames internal cultural factors for women’s subordination in the developing world because it considers traditional cultures to be the main obstacle to development and modernization. Modernization Theory argues that traditional cultures are characterized by irrationality, superstition, fatalism, collectivism, and patriarchy, which hinder the growth of productivity, innovation, democracy, and individualism. Modernization Theory also argues that traditional cultures assign rigid and unequal gender roles and norms, which confine women to the domestic sphere, limit their education and employment opportunities, and subject them to male domination and violence².

Modernization Theory suggests that the solution to women’s subordination in the developing world is to adopt the modern culture and values of the West, which are assumed to be more conducive to development and gender equality. Modernization Theory proposes that the processes of urbanization, industrialization, secularization, and democratization will bring about social and cultural changes that will improve the status and role of women in the developing world. Modernization Theory expects that these changes will include the expansion of women’s rights and freedoms, the increase of women’s participation and representation in the public sphere, the reduction of women’s fertility and dependency, and the emergence of a nuclear and egalitarian family structure³.

Summary:

• Modernization Theory is a perspective that explains the process of social and economic development in terms of the transition from traditional to modern societies, based on the Western model.
• Modernization Theory blames internal cultural factors for women’s subordination in the developing world, because it considers traditional cultures to be the main obstacle to development and modernization, and to assign rigid and unequal gender roles and norms to women.
• Modernization Theory suggests that the solution to women’s subordination in the developing world is to adopt the modern culture and values of the West, which are assumed to be more conducive to development and gender equality and to undergo the processes of urbanization, industrialization, secularization, and democratization.

 Q. No. 7. Critically analyze the various approaches to women’s development focusing on Women in Development (WID), Women and Development (WAD), and Gender and Development (GAD).

A. Women’s development is a term that refers to the improvement of the status, role, and well-being of women in society, especially in relation to men. There are various approaches to women’s development, which have different assumptions, goals, and strategies. Three of the most prominent approaches are Women in Development (WID), Women and Development (WAD), and Gender and Development (GAD).

• Women in Development (WID): This approach emerged in the early 1970s, influenced by the liberal feminist movement and modernization theory. WID argues that women are excluded or marginalized from the development process and that their inclusion and integration are necessary for achieving economic growth and social progress. WID aims to increase women’s access and opportunities in education, employment, health, and political participation, and to reduce the gender gap in these areas. WID adopts a reformist and additive strategy, which means that it seeks to improve the existing system and policies, and to add women to the development agenda, without challenging the underlying structures and causes of gender inequality¹².
• Women and Development (WAD): This approach emerged in the late 1970s, influenced by the Marxist feminist movement and the dependency theory. WAD argues that women are exploited and oppressed by the capitalist and patriarchal system and that their subordination is linked to the underdevelopment and dependency of the Third World. WAD aims to expose and challenge the structural and systemic factors that generate and maintain women’s poverty and marginalization, and to promote women’s collective and alternative forms of development, such as cooperatives, grassroots organizations, and self-reliance. WAD adopts a radical and transformative strategy, which means that it seeks to change the existing system and policies, and to create a new development paradigm, based on the principles of equality, justice, and liberation³ .
• Gender and Development (GAD): This approach emerged in the mid-1980s, influenced by the socialist feminist movement and the post-structuralism theory. GAD argues that gender is a social construct that shapes and is shaped by the development process and that gender relations are dynamic and context-specific. GAD aims to analyze and address the gender issues and needs that arise in different development contexts and sectors, and to empower women and men to participate and benefit equally from the development outcomes. GAD adopts a holistic and strategic strategy, which means that it seeks to integrate gender analysis and mainstreaming into all aspects and levels of development planning and implementation and to achieve gender equality and transformation as the ultimate goal of development.

Summary:

• Women’s development is a term that refers to the improvement of the status, role, and well-being of women in society, especially in relation to men.
• There are various approaches to women’s development, which have different assumptions, goals, and strategies.
• Three of the most prominent approaches are Women in Development (WID), Women and Development (WAD), and Gender and Development (GAD).
• WID focuses on the inclusion and integration of women into the development process and adopts a reformist and additive strategy.
• WAD focuses on the exploitation and oppression of women by the capitalist and patriarchal system and adopts a radical and transformative strategy.
• GAD focuses on the social construction and dynamics of gender relations in the development process and adopts a holistic and strategic strategy.

Q. No. 8. Despite the entry of women legislators into politics on a 17 percent quota in national and provincial assemblies, still there are voices that “Is Pakistan’s Gender Quota in Parliament showing results?” Rethink and discuss how quotas can lead to the political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan. (20)

A.  The question of whether Pakistan’s gender quota in parliament is showing results is a complex and contested one that depends on how one defines and measures the impact and effectiveness of quotas. Quotas are affirmative action measures that aim to increase the representation and participation of women in politics, by reserving a certain percentage or number of seats for them in the legislative bodies. Pakistan has adopted a 17 percent quota for women in the national and provincial assemblies since 2002, which has resulted in the increase of women legislators from 2 percent to 21 percent in the National Assembly, and from 1 percent to 18 percent in the provincial assemblies¹.

Quotas can lead to political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, by creating and enhancing the opportunities and capacities of women to influence and shape the political agenda and outcomes, and to promote and protect the rights and interests of women and other marginalized groups in the society. Quotas can also lead to political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, by challenging and changing the patriarchal and sexist norms and values that exclude and discriminate against women in politics, and by fostering and facilitating gender equality and empowerment in the political sphere.

However, quotas alone are not sufficient or guarantee for political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, as there are various challenges and constraints that limit and undermine the potential and performance of women legislators, such as:

• The selection and nomination process of women candidates, which is often controlled and manipulated by the male-dominated political parties and leaders, and which may result in the selection of women who are loyal, dependent, or related to the male politicians, rather than women who are qualified, independent, or representative of the women’s movement².
• The political and institutional environment of the parliament, which is often hostile and unfriendly to women legislators, and which may subject them to harassment, intimidation, or marginalization by their male colleagues, as well as to the lack of resources, support, or recognition by the parliamentary staff, committees, or media³.
• The social and cultural expectations and pressures of the society, which are often conservative and traditional towards women’s role and status, and which may impose or reinforce the stereotypes, prejudices, or biases against women in politics, as well as the multiple and conflicting demands and responsibilities of women as legislators, wives, mothers, and daughters.

Therefore, quotas are necessary but not sufficient for political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, and they need to be complemented and supported by other measures and strategies, such as:

• Reforming and strengthening the political parties and electoral system, to ensure the fair and transparent selection and nomination of women candidates, and to provide them with adequate training, funding, and campaigning assistance.
• Improving and empowering the parliamentary procedures and practices, to ensure the equal and effective participation and representation of women legislators, and to provide them with sufficient resources, support, and recognition.
• Raising and sensitizing public awareness and opinion, to ensure a positive and respectful attitude and behavior towards women in politics, and to reduce the stereotypes, prejudices, or biases against them.

Summary:

• The question of whether Pakistan’s gender quota in parliament is showing results is a complex and contested one, that depends on how one defines and measures the impact and effectiveness of quotas.
• Quotas are affirmative action measures that aim to increase the representation and participation of women in politics, by reserving a certain percentage or number of seats for them in the legislative bodies.
• Quotas can lead to political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, by creating and enhancing the opportunities and capacities of women to influence and shape the political agenda and outcomes, and by challenging and changing the patriarchal and sexist norms and values that exclude and discriminate against women in politics.
• However, quotas alone are not sufficient or guarantee for political mainstreaming of women in Pakistan, as there are various challenges and constraints that limit and undermine the potential and performance of women legislators, such as the selection and nomination process, the political and institutional environment, and the social and cultural expectations and pressures.
• Therefore, quotas need to be complemented and supported by other measures and strategies, such as reforming and strengthening the political parties and electoral system, improving and empowering the parliamentary procedures and practices, and raising and sensitizing public awareness and opinion.